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Author: Charlotte Moynihan

Appropriate

Performed by University of Richmond’s very own theatre department, Appropriate by Branden Jacobs-Jenkin was an extremely thought-provoking play. The play chronicles three children arriving at their father’s plantation home in Arkansas with their own children following his death. The siblings have clearly fallen out of contact with one another and old tensions are immediately brought back to the surface. However, those tensions fall to the wayside as a much bigger one appears: the discovery of photos of lynchings and the remains of a black person.

Not knowing what to believe and not wanting to confront the harsh reality that their father was a member of or at the very least a supporter of the Ku Klux Klan, the struggles the siblings face can be easily seen as a metaphor for the United States today. It is easy to forget that we are only two generations removed from the height of the KKK, Jim Crow, and blatant acts of racially-motivated hate. Many of us want to believe that we as a country have moved past those days, but when confronted with the reality that people we know or are connected to may have contributed to that problem we often shut down or go into denial. This play reinforces the need for a continued dialogue about race in our country today. We’ve made progress in many ways, but just because lynchings aren’t commonplace in today’s world doesn’t mean we’ve solved the problem.

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The Race Card Project

On November 12, 2019, Peabody Award-winning journalist, NPR host, and author of The Grace of Silence Michele Norris came to the University of Richmond to discuss The Race Card Project. Founded by Norris in 2010, she has turned a flippant phrase into a meaningful discussion about race. Not expecting really anyone to respond, Norris began the project while on a book tour for her memoir The Grace of Silence. At different stops on the tour, Norris and her team left postcards that asked the responders to write six words about their experience, perception, questions, observations, or any thoughts they had on race. Soon, Norris began getting postcards from states she hadn’t even toured and realized she might have found a mechanism for facilitating a conversation our country so desperately needs.

Since the project’s conception, Norris has received over 500,000 postcards, both physical and online, and has a team dedicated just to archiving the postcards. I was personally fascinated not only by the responses she shared but specifically by the decision to limit the responses to just six words. Norris explained her thought process, saying that if she asked people to write an essay or a paragraph she thought they’d never respond because they would think it’s too much work but if she asked for a sentence responders would try to pass off an essay as a sentence. Norris concluded that she would need to make it very specific and with five words being deemed not long enough, she settled on six. Her approach clearly is working as more people than I would have ever expected have responded, taking time out of their days to contribute to a meaningful conversation about race. It gives me hope that the United States is moving towards a place where we can have these difficult conversations on such a large scale in person and in more than six words.

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How Our World Shapes Our Health

On October 24, 2019, Dr. Camilla Nonterah from the Department of Psychology gave a talk entitled “How Our World Shapes Our Health”. Dr. Nonterah began by outlining how humans have conceptualized health throughout history. Evolving from a belief in good and evil spirits and sorcery in the prehistoric period, today in the 21st Century we have a multifactorial biomedical and psychosomatic model. This idea of a multifactorial model is echoed by the World Health Organization’s proclamation that “the context of people’s lives determine their health”. This references social determinants of health, which are non-medical factors that affect one’s health and what Dr. Nonterah focused her talk on.

While this concept was not surprising to me as studies have shown how detrimental stress is to the body and how circumstances an individual often cannot control like their genetics, social status, and access to healthcare are all non-medical factors that affect a person’s health. However, Dr. Nonterah raised some other social determinants of health that I hadn’t previously considered, like race-related stress. Studies show how race-related stress negatively impacts health in a variety of ways. For example, early racial discrimination is associated with depressive symptoms and accelerates the aging process. Racial discrimination is also indirectly associated with alcoholism. Another surprising statistic showed that internalized racism is associated with a higher BMI. After discussing other social determinants of health, Dr. Nonterah emphasized the importance of a broader understanding of the effect policies have on health and a deeper understanding of biological pathways. This talk reinforced how complex and multidimensional health is and that you can’t always determine a person’s health just from looking at them.

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Leadership of the Future

Both of these readings focused on one thing: the need for change in the ways we think about and practice leadership. I was particularly drawn to Williamson’s essay, specifically when he states that in order to make our democratic framework more inclusive and applicable to our country today “we need to recover the democratic promise of our past, in all its complexity and tragedy. This means engaging with it, not running away from it” (8). Particularly in our most recent history, the failures of democracy make it very tempting to reject our framework and want to start over. However, as Williamson notes, this would be a disservice to our country.

Simply ignoring the history of our country means ignoring not only its failings but the principles it was built upon. While execution was certainly less than perfect, the ideas at the heart of the declaration and foundation of the nation are ones that are still applicable today. And by looking at our history through a critical lens we can the mistakes we’ve made and make efforts to learn from them and fix them. Forgetting the past does us no favors – we must face it, admit our wrongdoings, and improve going forward. As Williamson notes, “democracy is not a form of government that guarantees justice” (7). We must consistently work at improving our framework and molding it to fit our ever-changing modern society.

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The Vietnam War

Before watching this video, I understood that the Vietnam War was a highly contested, extremely divisive moment in American history. I had heard about the shooting at Kent State and the enormous role students took in the protests. One thing I wasn’t taught in school was the way the draft targeted specific populations. By getting married or going to college, men would be deferred from the draft, leaving those without the means to do so vulnerable. It also led to a disproportionate amount of young black Americans being killed in a war many of the troops fighting didn’t even believe in, as evidenced by them throwing away their medals during protests. 

Another thing I didn’t understand was the government – particularly Nixon’s – role in fostering division among the American people. When Nixon took office, he promised a quick, peaceful end to the war and removal of American troops from Vietnam. However, within the year following his inauguration he had not only not ended American involvement in Vietnam, but further increased it in what many viewed as an invasion of Cambodia. He also actively pitted anti-war protesters against those who supported it by calling those in favor of the war “patriots” and using derogatory terms for those who were against it. He added to this by defending the National Guard who open fired on college students merely using their right to protest. I knew Nixon because of his later mistakes as president, but learning this about him made me think about the president’s role in our country. Not only should they be transparent about their actions and follow through on their word – things Nixon didn’t do – but they should also work towards peace among the American people instead of quite literally the opposite.

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Do the Ends Justify the Means?

When I read both of these short stories, I initially didn’t see the connection to leadership. Both had twist endings where the happy reality of their lives is only maintained by an underlying evil – in the case of “The Lottery” an annual randomized stoning and in the case of “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas”. Both were sad and forced the reader to confront the lengths humans are willing to go to in order to maintain the status quo. But I still wasn’t sure how leadership played into things.

Then I thought about the concept of sacrificing a “lesser evil” for a greater good. A common concept in leadership, particularly when thinking about war casualties, it’s easy enough to think about and accept in the abstract. The life of a couple hundred civilians to preserve order and prevent thousands more from dying. But when you’re confronted with examples like in these stories, especially of the child in Omelas, the lesser evils get faces. It makes me question if the ends really do justify the means and why we have become so desensitized to certain practices like the characters in the stories do. It also raises the question of what we can do when we’re put in situations that are so ingrained in our society and feel so much larger than us – maybe all we can do is walk away like some chose to do from Omelas.

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Zinn

I got a familiar feeling after reading both Zinn chapters this week – having my bubble burst. While definitely not a feeling I enjoy, that emotion is immediately overcome with frustration about not being given an accurate account of events earlier in my life. Just as I had believed the dominant narrative about the founding of our country, I was also fairly naive when thinking about the Civil War, Emancipation Proclamation, and what Zinn calls the black revolt of the 1950s and 1960s. Reading these chapters make it abundantly clear that there is a glaring flaw in our education system. The Emancipation Proclamation is portrayed as the be all and end all of the abolitionist movement, when in reality the motivation for it was purely politically and economically motivated and the federal government actively fought to withhold the rights it had promised to black Americans. The fact that I am only now learning the extent to which this occurred at 19 years old is ridiculous to me. 

Besides the failure of the federal government, I was struck by another theme in these two chapters – the pitting of poor white Americans against poor black Americans. Before the Emancipation Proclamation, poor whites were employed as overseers for plantations to stop them from helping slaves escape to freedom. Following the “freeing” (I don’t feel quite right saying slaves were actually freed after the Emancipation Proclamation alone after these readings), poor whites and poor blacks were competing for the same underpaid jobs and insufficient housing, perpetuating the same racism and racial violence that allowed upper class wealthy white men to maintain the same power and status they had before. While a hard pill to swallow, learning these facts and the true accounts of history is far more important than feeling comfortable with the wrong account.

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Tyranny Really Is Tyranny

As Americans we agree that the American Revolution was an inherently good thing – it gave us freedom from foreign control and independence to rule our own people in the ways we see fit. While the Founding Fathers had more than a few significant flaws, generally as Americans we are proud of the work they did to shape our nation. However, this Zinn made me think about the course of events a little bit differently. I feel like the American Revolution is typically painted as a spontaneous, grass-roots uprising motivated out of pure patriotism and the will for independence. Reading Zinn this made me realize how much more calculated this war truly was and what the actual motivations of it were.

While the unrest and anger of the lower and middle classes was definitely present, that anger was not initially targeted at the British. Following the French and Indian War, the gap in wealth was extraordinarily high. The top 5% of Boston controlled 49% of the city’s assets, and those patterns were similar in other cities. This resulted in outbreaks of mob violence against the elite, which made them wonder if they could harness this energy and use it for their own personal gain. England needed the colonies far more than they needed England and with the French finally gone and enough unrest already present, the upper class realized exactly how to get what they wanted by redirecting the anger of the poor from them to the British. In doing so, they were able to “enlist enough Americans to defeat England without disturbing too much the relations of wealth and power that had developed” (74). They painted this movement as a benefit for all, when in reality 69% of the signers of the Declaration of Independence had held office under English rule and were able to avoid the draft by paying for it. They were able to make the poor think it was their idea and then make them do the elite’s dirty work. When you see exactly how well thought through this revolution was, you understand why Zinn called it “a work of genius” (59). 

While that may be true, given the account of the revolution I had been taught about this unification of the people and pure desire for independence that drove it with all men being equal and fighting the good fight together, this more accurate account left me a little disappointed. This is probably due to a naive, fourth grade sense of the American Revolution (history’s not my thing) but this feeling is one I’ve become rather familiar with this semester. It feels to me a lot like learning how charismatic leaders – a very positive term – can easily turn extremely manipulative. While the harnessing of the anger of the poor to achieve the needs of the upper class was a brilliant move, it feels similarly manipulative. There is a long history of the elite using the poor or less privileged to drive their own agenda and knowing that our country was built the same was not surprising but definitely burst my bubble a little bit. They summed it up best – tyranny is tyranny.

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Dominant Groups

Reading Miller’s piece, the distinction she made between the two types of inequality was something I hadn’t thought about before. Temporary inequality as she called it is something that to me seems like you can grow out of – you eventually graduate from school and no longer have teachers telling you what to do, you get older and either have kids of your own and assume the role of parent or you just reach the age where you are no longer subject to your parents’ every wish, etc. As Miller aptly names it, this inequality is temporary. However, the true problem Miller states is in permanent inequality where “your birth defines you” (224). While with temporary inequality the goal is to eventually end the inequality between the two parties, the opposite is true for permanent inequality.  

The thinking of the dominant group in permanent inequality that Miller describes reminded me of our class discussion about groupthink. The tendency in groupthink is to label the other group as weak or stupid or evil, and dominant groups do the same thing. That is apparent in the examples Miller gives on 225 when she discusses the commonly held perceptions of black people being less intelligent or women being ruled by emotion. The dominant group in each of those cases label the subordinate groups as bad or in some way inferior as a method of preserving their power. This paper begs the question of how the subordinate group can defy the dominant group and change those expectations and perceptions.

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Transformational Leadership

Reading Bass’s piece, I thought it was interesting that the study of transactional vs transformational leadership yielded a difference between genders. As he noted, being more transformational than transactional makes you a better leader and research found that women are generally more transformational in their leadership styles. Going off of those two notions, wouldn’t that make women better leaders? If that’s true, why are women underrepresented in elite leadership positions? And if women are more transformational than men, why were the only examples Bass gave of transformational leaders men?

I couldn’t help but think about the gender difference in leadership. Women are commonly seen as inferior leaders for a multitude of infuriating reasons, yet Bass is providing evidence that directly contradicts that perception by saying women are not only be equal leaders but may be superior leaders in at least one aspect. This assertion is both validating and frustrating. It’s validating because as a woman I know women are just as capable at leading as anyone else and having that confirmed by a scholar well-regarded in that field is a nice confirmation. It’s also frustrating because this Bass piece was published over 20 years ago, yet that perception of women as weak leaders is still pervasive. We need to figure out how to get Bass’s data to be common and believed knowledge.

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Humble Leadership

In class we’ve discussed how different types of leaders are necessary for different roles, which Ruscio also noted. He emphasized the importance of not humble leaders in general, but the importance of humble leaders in American democracy because of the “humility of the system” (13). In other words, we have constructed a system in our country that places its success on having a humble leader. In this “fallibilist democracy” as Ruscio calls it (13), we have put a system in place that recognizes that both our leaders and our citizens are fallible and can make mistakes, and because of that put protections in so that we can change course later if need be. Because of this system, Ruscio is arguing that we need humble leaders. I think it’s interesting that he did not try to make the case that all leaders need to be humble.

While Ruscio does not extend the argument for humble leaders to all leaders, I think he could. We typically think of military figures as authoritative, strong, commanding, and countless more adjectives, yet humble would probably never make that list. By discussing Washington, Ruscio indirectly makes the argument that even military leaders can benefit from being humble in addition to those other assertive qualities. If even military leaders could benefit from humility, is there a kind of leader that wouldn’t?

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Citizen Leadership

I think many people who read Cheryl Mabey’s article would be upset. For so long, people in our country have become disenfranchised with our leadership and continually blame the system and elected leaders for failing them. We have given so much power to our leaders that we allow ourselves to feel helpless and that our country’s issues are beyond our control. We continue to wait for some magical superhero leader to swoop in and make everything perfect. I’m inclined to agree with Mabey that this is a cop out.

By giving our leaders so much power, we do ourselves a disservice. In believing that we aren’t smart enough or resourceful enough or rich enough to fix the problems within our communities or our country we are thinking too little of our abilities. As Mabey states, “the persistent belief that ‘professionals’ or ‘experts know more and should tell others what to do paralyze many community initiatives” (315). When we think about it, who knows our communities better than we do? We are the experts and we must learn to challenge this idea that someone else can do a better job than we can.

But how do we do this? Firstly, we redefine what it means to be a leader. As noted by both Mabey and Gardner, we often conflate authority with leadership. You don’t need to have an official title to be a leader. There are informal leaders in so many places that are way more influential than the people we think of as leaders just based on their title. Secondly, we learn how to be a citizen leader. As citizen leaders, we must be knowledgeable about what we’re advocating for and how the system we’re working within operates. Then, we must take that knowledge and put it into action. Mabey summarizes it well: “knowledge is insufficient without action” (316). We have become complacent with complaining about our problems instead of taking action to fix them ourselves and we can’t afford to do that anymore. It is time that we recognize our potential as citizen leaders and utilize our potential to enact the change we keep expecting someone else to. The reality of the situation is that no one person will be able to solve all of our problems; we need to step up and do it ourselves. 

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Charles I

After completing this week’s readings, it seems to me that the execution of Charles I was less out of necessity and more likely a calculated political move. While he was undoubtedly a bad king, he was not the first bad king and certainly not the last. The need to oust “over half of those sitting in the House of Commons” in order to put Charles on trial and convict him of treason speaks volumes in support of this. In what was essentially a military coup, Cromwell arrested any Member of Parliament who was willing to negotiate. However, I am less concerned with whether or not Charles I deserved to die; that answer seems pretty clear to me. The questions that struck me most is would his legacy have been as impactful if he hadn’t been executed and would England have returned to a monarchy if Charles I had not acted the way he had before his death?

Almost any citizen living in England during the reign of Charles I would have agreed that he was a bad ruler. If that was the case, how did he manage to achieve the image of a martyr that he did and the myth surrounding him after his death? The answer to that lies in his conduct during his trial. He remained “true to his conscience”, regardless of the personal cost. While sealing his own fate he laid the framework for a monarchy to be later reinstated. He was able to show the tyrannical nature of the Rump Parliament while simultaneously reconstructing his image of what many would have called a traitor to “the honorable, Christian protector of the constitution and of the people”. I believe that if Charles had conducted himself differently during his trial that the republic either would not have ever returned to a monarchy or at least taken much longer than the short decade it lasted before Charles II was asked to return from exile to rule.

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Tyrannicide

This week’s readings reminded me of our discussions in class last week, specifically our discussion of the importance of perception, spin, and the media. As highlighted in Andrade’s article “The Perennially Difficult Debate Around Tyrannicide”, while many other circumstances and factors must be at play for tyrannicide to actually be a viable option for a more democratic future, to “many sensible people” as Andrade calls them, tyrannicide makes sense. While not a one size fits all solution, when the dictator is actually disliked and there are suitable, more democratic successors available, tyrannicide can actually be effective. Reading this article myself, I thought Andrade made several valid points and began to see how tyrannicide could be a useful tool for spurring democracy.

Then I read George’s piece. In “Distinguishing Classical Tyrannicide from Modern Terrorism” George highlights the hypocrisy of our view of tyrannicide. While we view political assassinations as terrible acts, we praise tyrannicide as a beacon of democracy. George states that we have this view because we see tyrannicide as a public good and think of assassinations as acts committed for personal gain. This made me question who gets to draw that line and if it ever really stays in one place. We’ve discussed at great lengths the importance of perception and the media’s role in that last week, and I couldn’t help but draw the comparison with these readings. Isn’t tyrannicide just murder with a positive spin put on it? Who gets to say when murder is or isn’t justifiable? 

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Riggio Charisma Response

While I had never tried to define charisma myself and even after the readings the definition still remains elusive, I had always thought of it as a trait you are born with. However, Riggio challenged this perspective by saying that it is theoretically very possible that charisma could be learned. Riggio breaks charisma down into many components, such as communication skills, self-confidence, and enthusiasm, all of which can be developed. Riggio also makes sure to create boundaries with charisma, saying that just because one possesses charisma, that does not mean that one will be a successful charismatic leader. This brings me to another point I hadn’t considered before. I previously thought of charisma as a one-sided quality possessed by a person, but Riggio emphasizes the importance of the relationship between a leader and their followers in charismatic and transformational leadership.

In highlighting this relationship, Riggio came across surprisingly cynically to me. One of the biggest assets to a charismatic leader is their highly developed communication skills. Riggio described their ability to read the room and then alter their message dependent on it “in order to manipulate the crowd’s reaction”. The use of the word manipulate in conjunction with describing an inspirational leader unsettled me. Typically, we like to view leaders, especially charismatic leaders, as people we can idolize and trust. To think of them using their skillset to manipulate their followers who trust them completely is quite frankly scary. I guess that’s why people such as Hitler and Osama bin Laden are characterized as charismatic leaders in addition to typical positive role models.

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