Social Movements, Too Legit to Quit? Ch 7 – The State and Protests: Institutionalization

In this chapter, Meyer details the pattern of political institutionalization of social movements that has come to characterize some movements in the United States.  He uses the antinuclear movement of the 1970s, the longer term US populism and agricultural movements, and US labor movements as the exemplars for explaining the patterns and mechanisms of institutionalization.

Meyer provides an operational definition of institutionalization as “…the creation of a stable set of relationships and procedures such that the politics of an issue becomes routine, that is, repeatable for all concerned with minimal uncertainty or risk… The boundaries of possible reforms are reasonably clear to all concerned and are limited” (126).  He then outlines several mechanisms of institutionalization:

  1. “…policy makers can incorporate movement concerns by offering consultation, formal or informal, with representatives of a movement” (126)
  2. “…elected officials can offer social movement activists a platform or a venue for making their claims” (127)
  3. “…government can set up more permanent venues for consultation, formally adopting the concerns, and even sometimes the personnel, of a challenging movement” (127)
  4. “government can institute procedures that give an actor or claimant formal inclusion in a deliberative process” (128)
  5. “…policy reform can afford activist concerns a place in the process and resources attendant to that place” (128)
  6. “institutionalization includes norms and values, not only in government, but also in the broader culture” (128) *noted as critical by the author*

What struck me the most about this chapter was the indirect, implicit discussion of legitimacy.  To me it seems that at the foundation of this process of institutionalization is a search for the right place, a sense of permanence, the right people, and recognition for the need and the possibility for reform.  What the process of institutionalization does for a social movement is accommodating the needs of the cause while providing them with a form of legitimacy.  Following this train of thought, if this particular cause is being welcomed into the political system then it must have a legitimate claim to be taken seriously.  In the title of this blog post, I ask in jest “Social Movements, Too Legit to Quit?”.  But, I think this question has resonance with what Meyer discusses in this chapter because there seems to be a catch-22 with institutionalization.  The process does not just fuel the activistism and/or activist participation.  The social movement becomes institutionalized and gains legitimacy but gaining legitimacy may prompt activists to question what else they can do for their cause.  Can institutionalization make a movement “too legit” and make the activists quit?

After reading this chapter, I’m left considering the following questions which I now pose to you:

  • Is the process of institutionalization as described by Meyers just another way of phrasing the process of negotiation? Or is it a grander process of gaining legitimacy? Or is it simply selling out?
  • Do you think that institutionalization is necessary or even inevitable?
    Can you imagine OWS engaging in institutionalization? Or would that be completely antithetical to the cause?

 

Brittany Mangold

Media’s role in Social Movements: Stand up for Ellen

Today, I found an article in the Huffington Post that serves as a great example of the power of media in social movements. Last week, One Million Moms (an affiliate of the American Family Association) attacked JCPenny for hiring Ellen DeGeneres based on her sexuality. In the “Gay Voices” section of the online newspaper, activist and blogger Scott Wooledge, gives reasons why the smear campaign will actually be ammunition for the LGBT community:

“The LGBT community owes a great big thanks to the “One Million Moms” (actually, closer to 40,000) for launching the best LGBT-friendly public relations blitz the community has seen in ages, and battering Christian conservative’s image in a way the LGBT community could never hope to do.”

The fact that One Million Moms is using moral judgement as grounds for employment discrimination has even gotten Bill O’Rielly talking. (In the article, there is a clip of O’Rielly passionately defending non-descrimination in the workplace.) In addition, GLAAD, the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, has started a campaign in response, called “Stand Up for Ellen”.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/scott-wooledge/million-moms-ellen-jcpenny_b_1272420.html

 

Thoughts?

Meyer Chapter 5

Joseph Harris
Dr. Fergeson
Blog Project
2/14/12
“Chapter 5: The Strategy and Tactics of Social Protest”
Meyer describes the process of deciding the strategies and tactics of a social movement as an interrelated cyclical process that has to be taken into account before the movement takes any actions because each action has a different impact on the multiple audiences. Meyer defines a strategy as “a combination of a claim (or demand), a tactic, and a site (or venue) (82). Since movements are comprised of multiple organizations competing for attention, the most effective way to developing a strategy is by examining organizations one at a time in order to match an organization with an appropriate tactic based on an organization’s relationship with its audience and other social movement organizations. The tactics of a social movement have to embody the movement’s demands that “need to appear actionable enough to avoid being dismissed, yet challenging enough to inspire attention” (83). Meyer poses three different tactical choices that each has their own unique set of pros and cons that will be interpreted by its different audiences. The first tactic described by Meyer is a candlelight vigil that shows the commitment of the activists and communicates to bystanders, but are easily dismissed by politicians. However, the second tactic of disruptions identifies an enemy and demands a response from authorities, but depending on how it is perceived by the other audiences can detract some bystanders. The third tactic projects the demand in an artful and political way which is less aggressive than disruptive tactics and builds coalitions within the movement and can change support from bystanders who sympathize with the movement. Meyer notes that’s multiple tactics must be undertaken by social movements in order to reach its audiences and doing so effectively requires a critical analysis of “how people think about engaging in social movement activism as both an alternative to and an addition to move conventional political activity,” in order for an organization to present its argument that relates to the social culture (84). Meyer stresses the importance of organizations using this model because taking this approach assists organizations in implementing tactics that aren’t going to require excessive risk than is necessary. Meyer brings up again how examining someone’s identity shapes the resources available to them because their social standing impacts the tactical choices and available rhetoric in order to get an audience to listen. Self-examination is a critical step in determining tactical approaches because it impacts the perception the audience will have of the social movement. In addition to individual identity constraint, organizations have to examine their own identity constraints because of “how a range of outside actors sees the organization” (87). Establishing the foundation of an organization will help not only provide answers to its audience, but more importantly will show the organization its strengths and weaknesses. In communicating the intentions of an organization, Meyer identifies four audiences: authorities, activists, bystanders, and media while encouraging organizations to sometimes broaden their issue in order to effectively reach each audience. In reaching out to authorities, organizations have to take on a political perspective and evaluate how their action will cause sympathizers and antagonistic authorities also keeping in mind that “the authorities who make the decisions about the matters of policy that activists generally protest are often far away from the site of protest” (88). Identifying appropriate communication to activists, the organization has to chose a tactic that “speaks to their experiences and not suggest actions that find abhorrent,” in order to make people identify with the movement and believe that they can make a difference. The third audience comprised of bystanders is most effectively reached by choosing a tactic that generates meaning and draws attention from how the other audiences respond in order for them to choose sides on the issue. The media plays a large role in how organizations communicate to their audiences and in order for organizations to gain the responses they want from their tactics, they have to be aware of how the media dynamic operates. Media focuses on publishing stories based on what people want to read which usually consists of some sort of conflict, celebrities, and drama. Activists can overcome their disadvantage by outlining their demands in correlation to media operation and more importantly protecting themselves from having their message distorted in the meaning causing the movement to lose traction.

Considering Meyer’s approach in identifying strategies and tactics looks good on paper, but do you think it could expose the organization of being criticized for being on both sides of an issue and if so how do you think that impacts the movement’s traction?

Welcome!

Welcome to the blog for LDST 304: Social Movements during Spring 2012 semester.

Here we’ll discuss course readings and expand our class discussions beyond the classroom.

For students, more details about this blog project are available on Blackboard.

For an example of a well-written blog post, see Amanda Lineberry’s blog post on the Center for Civic Engagement’s blog.  She wrote about reading the Ella Baker biography and hearing Barbara Ransby’s speech.  You can read her blog here>>