Invisible Barriers and Pure Intentions (Chapter 9)

In Chapter 9, Sullivan makes his readers painfully aware of the constant yet slow movement forward to desegregation in the South. He points out that even twenty years after DuBois has “called for ‘a crusade’ against the wretched state of black education in the South and more than a decade since Charles Houston offered his stark visual documentation of separate and equal schools in South Carolina.” Yet, “conditions through most of the South had remained unchanged” (334). What are some of the reasons that desegregation was thwarted? Was it just on the parts of the whites? OR was the mindset of the blacks also a barrier for advancement; “For many southern blacks, the idea of school integration was abstract at best, given the weight of history and the realities of race and power in the South” (334).

Something that was also touched on in class but I think deserves some more attention is the obvious bond that Thurgood Marshall has with the South. He had tried cases in every southern state and had a deep connection to “southern life built up during a decade of work and travel”, especially since Marshall “often stayed in private homes, given the scarcity of decent hotels for blacks in the South”. It is interesting to see the amount of personal dedication and time that Marshall had given to the cause and the NAACP movement. And even though we brought up in class that he would choose cases that would often not pay him much or have any guarantee of success, but cases that had a high probability of being brought to the national level. And I know we all love Thurgood Marshall, but could it be that his intentions were not truly pure and he was not completely the hero that negative we paint him out to be, but a lawyer looking for fame and recognition? Maybe it is the connotations that lawyers carry nowadays that has me being slightly skeptical.

Furthermore, as we look at what we have read in class, it is interesting to see the difference of Presidential backing of the NAACP as time progresses. FDR was reluctant to be outspokenly in favor of White and the NAACP’s goals, however, because “the power of the black vote in key northern states” provided President Truman with enough political incentive to include “civil rights as a top item on his domestic agenda for 1948 in his State of Union address (353). As mentioned in class, we see how the black vote has gained power or on the flip side, stricken fear into the hearts of white politicians as they tried to secure their power through gerrymandering. Do you think that Truman would have also supported the NAACP so avidly in the “face of his party’s powerful southern bloc” even if he had been president during FDR’s time? OR do you think that the “perfect storm of political developments made it highly possible that black voters would determine the outcome of the presidential election” forced Truman to take a stand? (356).

Personally I think that it is difficult to break out of the cycle of oppression and poor education and that is why it is so difficult to push for desegregation. The educated African American community understands how education is a means for advancement and the only way to break the cycle, but those that have not been fortunate enough to possess this knowledge may be allowing fear and anger to stop them for seeking the integration of schools. Furthermore, I by no means want to tear Truman and Marshall’s actions down from the high regards they are now held at, but just to play devil’s advocate, it’s easy for us to look back and history and say, these men acted this way with pure intentions since it could be that they just took a gamble and it turned out in their favor. We will never know, but I’m interested in what you all think!

6 thoughts on “Invisible Barriers and Pure Intentions (Chapter 9)

  1. Vivian,
    Answering the question, “What are some of the reasons that desegregation was thwarted?”, I believe that both the mindset of whites and blacks went towards this. I think there was too few interracial organizations working together at the time to effectively overcome these strong mindsets of inequality. I tend to believe that the more contact you have with a certain group, the more you will get to know them, and the more likely you will appreciate and accept them. I believe there could have been more efforts towards organization of informal or formal interracial groups, like those made by Brownie Lee Jones with the Southern School for Workers. I think this idea is still very useful today. We tend to see discriminatory mindsets in individuals who were secluded to one place all their lives and don’t have much experience with other racial or minority groups. Personally, I know some things/people were harder for me to handle because i was unfamiliar with them, but once I got to hang around them, accepting them for who they were was much more simple whether it was for the color of their skin or their sexual orientation.

  2. Regarding your questioning of Thurgood Marshall’s intentions as a lawyer in the NAACP, I find it hard to believe that he was looking for fame and recognition in the work he was doing. I do not mean to suggest that Marshall was an entirely selfless, perfect individual but from the description of him in this book I cannot really picture him as forseeing his efforts as a way to fame. The work he did was tiresome, he left a practice in Baltimore to fully dedicate himself to his work at the NAACP, and the NAACP’s future as an organization was unclear.

    I think the reason Marshall picked cases he knew had the potential to go to the national level was not to get his out there but instead to get the issue at hand out there on the national level.

    • Sorry, typo in the last sentence! It should be as it appears here:

      I think the reason Marshall picked cases he knew had the potential to go to the national level was not to get his *name* out there but instead to get the issue at hand out there on the national level.

  3. The reason why Thurgood Marshall so successful and remembered in history was because of his ability to pick legal cases that would have the greatest impact on the current oppressing laws. He understood the media attention that these cases would receive and utilized those tools to spread awareness of the ever existing racist laws. The Sweatt case is one example of the controversial yet pivotal cases that despite their outcomes, would help set the groundwork for further educational reconstruction (342). I applaud Marshall for his strategic planning, and if he received some attention out of his services, then so be it. He deserved it.

    A quick comment on your above question about desegregation: Desegregation was a long and painful process, it is not surprising to me that people often lost hope. What made the NAACP so pivotal during this time was their ability to continue to inspire people to keep holding out for change.

  4. I wanted to respond, like BritBrat, to the question, “What are some of the reasons that desegregation was thwarted?” I agree with what she said, that there is a need for more involvement between interracial groups to foster understanding. However, the ideas that the white supremists had about “us” verses “them,” and the benefits of oppressing those who are inferior are too deeply seeded to change from a little interaction. Unfortunately, although the whites have had plenty of contact with the African American race, they still maintained the belief that they were entitled to the better housing, the better education, the better transportation, and the power of the nation’s politics. Everyone knew education was the key to advancement, which is why desegregation in schools was one of the primary strongholds for the white dominants.

    On the opposite side of the equation, the mindsets of black families, I think it was crucial to overcome fear and apprehension in order to activate change. Back in chapter 8 it said, “Strategies for eliminating segregation depended upon the local situation and the willingness of black communities to take the lead in exposing the problem, petitioning for redress, and participating in a legal challenge in places where the law had clearly been violated” (302). So, it is crucial for black communities to address the areas in which they are being oppressed, because if they themselves aren’t convinced of change, and if they do not rally their cries, no one will be convinced to change the status quo.

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