Pratt describes 1960s Richmond as having Black schools that were overcrowded and white schools that were not filled to capacity— all of which were all overseen by a Richmond Public School System (RPS) that used discriminatory practices to keep black children in inadequate, segregated schools (Pratt, 36).  Meanwhile, RPS used the Pupil Placement Board (PPB) as a crutch to deflect blame for their delay in fulfilling the Brown ruling.

John and Joe both highlight the impact that residential segregation had on school segregation; Pratt weaves this connection through all three chapters.  One such example of school segregation based on residential segregation is the feeder system that existed in Richmond.  Typically, white middle schools “fed” white high schools and black middle schools “fed” black high schools.  As John points out in his timeline, in March 1963, this feeder system was abolished.  As a result, a new “freedom of choice” plan was established that technically allowed any student to transfer to any school she wanted if she could support the reasoning.  However, Pratt argues that despite the new façade of choice, black students still had to filter through the racist PPB.  In addition, the problem of segregated teachers along race lines was not addressed. Even after Brown was 11 years old, RPS was still fighting to maintain school segregation by enacting school reform policies that used residential discrimination.

• In what ways did school segregation and housing segregation continue to play off of each other during this time in Richmond’s history?
• How do you think the city officials in Richmond were able to get away with creating school de-segregation policies that clearly didn’t benefit the black students (because they were based on residential segregation)?
• What can you glean from Pratt’s chapters 2-4 about the interplay between local and national politics and the enforcement of legislation?

Caitlin