11/30 Discussion Leader
M/S Chapter 8 Pages 260-293
Summary:
Croteau and Hoyes introduce the readers to the idea that, though media messages can act as a “powerful external force,” active audience members have a large amount of agency to construct their own meanings of the media based on their own experiences, cultures, and networks. The active audience members have the intelligence and autonomy to formulate and construct their own interpretations of media messaging based on what it means to them. Audience members often discuss their interpretations in a social setting, can act collectively if they feel strongly either for or against particular messaging, and also produce their own media content discussing their views. Media is often polysemic, defined as having multiple meanings either due to audience variance of interpretation or media formulated as “open.” Successful media allows for the agency of viewers while still having structure. Croteau and Hoyes then discuss the encoding-decoding model or how messages are encoded in media texts and how audiences interpret, or decode, the media text. The act of engaging with the media in various social situations is also just as important as the content of the media itself, as one can see how individuals experience that media form. Media fans are the most active form of audience members, developing fandoms around particular programs, artists, or genres; becoming activists to support their particular media form or text; and even producing their own media to create a fan commentary and community. Language has changed in terms of defining media consumers. Audience members are redefined under the term users, since these users are both consumers and producers of media, thereby making both media and meaning.
Questions:
As one producer of The Sopranos explains in the textbook, producers “all have the freedom to let the audience figure out what’s going on rather than telling them what’s going on.” Under this assumption, media consumers possess a certain freedom of interpretation of media texts, whereas media producers produce content to create these interpretations. Do media producers possess autonomy, as media consumers do, in interpreting their media products within social structures? How is this autonomy of interpretation similar and different from that of media consumers?
Open media content is defined as content that is structured to allow varying readings or media texts to be expressed and multiple meanings formulated. Open media content facilitates discussions amongst audience members by creating the possibility of multiple interpretations. However, media is not completely open, as producers seek to gain a mass audience by building their media content around familiar themes and images that entice viewers. Additionally, class, gender, and race all have an effect on how media messaging is decoded and how individuals make meaning of media texts. How familiar are themes and images explored in popular media content amongst varying class, gender and racial structures? How much control do media producers possess in controlling what is deemed as familiar or common on television?
While some viewers interpret media in the way the producers intend, others fight this common interpretation by engaging in interpretive resistance, reinterpreting media messages in opposition to preferred meanings, creating “oppositional decodings.” These oppositional decodings are similar to the counterpublics as seen in Munoz’s discussion of Pablo Zamora in Real World. Both denounce the dominant public sphere and a promote a production of intervention against the public sphere. How could these denouncements of cultural norms of the public sphere distort the underlying meanings of media texts? Are there forms of media that rely on conflicting meanings and interpretations to gain interest amongst the general public?
Keeping it Reality Television
Summary:
Raquel Gates presents her views on reality television under the presumption that the media form of reality television is polysemic, with its meaning and significance can be interpreted in various ways based upon various factors. Gates first challenges the presumption that negative images of African Americans are promoted in reality television shows. She says that these African Americans act outside of their preconceived roles and audience members recognize that reality television as a media platform can have manipulated realities in its production. Reality television shows possess their own realities, with a society and guidelines lying within. Some reality television shows attempt to create personalities of African American individuals in order to neutralize their racial backgrounds. Thus, when African Americans reach outside of their perceived personality and framework, as defined by the show’s producers, the public becomes more engaged with the media and produce interpretations that frame these African Americans in a negative light. Gates also discusses the reality show Flavor of Love and how it is viewed as a parody of popular dating reality shows such as The Bachelor. The show is highly fictionalized, both with the contestants and with Flavor Flav as the host. The contestants are not who would normally be found on a typical reality dating show, and thus audience members are intrigued by these individuals who don’t fit the typical mold. Flavor of Love’s fictional framework allows for audience members to be engaged with and enveloped in a heavily constructed society within the show.
Questions:
Individuals on reality shows are deemed as citizens of the society of the show, and going against the societal norms of the show can lead to hatred amongst audience members. The realities of reality television do not align with the realities of some of its contestants, especially those of African American descent. Dreamz, a contestant on the popular reality show Survivor, made a decision to act on his own self interest, rather than stay within the acceptable behavior and dynamics of the show. This decision marked a contrast between his reality as an African American outside of the shows fictionalized reality. With the example of Dreamz in mind, why would television producers attempt to contain the African American reality within the reality of the show? Was the negative backlash directed at Dreamz inevitable, or could this backlash have been avoided by a reframing of Dreamz within the show’s reality?
The audience watching Flavor of Love recognizes that the show is not a typical dating show and thus enjoys the contestants that go against the typical “Bachelor” woman. The unruliness of the contestants subverts the categorizations of race and gender, and thus stands out from the typical narratives that include these categorizations Shows such as Flavor of Love present alternatives to mainstream content that draw viewers into the fictional reality, but sometimes do not last long while on television. Are shows that counteract the typical narratives sustainable, both in terms of profitability and longevity, for mass media producers? Does this interest in alternative media content result from oversaturation of mainstream realities within media?
Additional Content
Sugar Pine 7:
A popular media platform for millennials is Youtube. One of its most popular video categories is vlogging. Youtubers who produce this content record their lives on video to give their viewers a glimpse into their real lifestyle. One channel, Sugar Pine 7, has appeared recently that is attempting to disrupt the vlogging norm by presenting their “alternative lifestyle” video content that fictionalizes vlogging. The channel won a Streamy award for “Best Show” recently and has started a buzz amongst the Youtube community. Like Flavor of Love, the show counteracts the particular narrative of typical vlogging content. Has this differentiation led to their success? Is it solely their comedy that is specifically appealing, or is it the parody of vlogging that intrigues viewers more? How is the success of Sugar Pine 7 similar and different to that of Flavor of Love on each of their respective media platforms?
Color Theory:
Color is a way for media producers to evoke emotional responses within media consumers. Color theory is a practice widely used amongst media producers that mixes particular colors and/or frames individual colors to create very particular emotional reactions. Though specific color schemes and color patterns may invoke particular feelings amongst audiences, these feelings may not be consistent across specific demographics, such as gender, or race, and may also vary by the surrounding culture. How does color theory as a guiding principle conflict with the polysemic aspects of the produced media? Can media products allow for interpretation amongst users even when emotional responses are controlled through color theory?