{"id":9596,"date":"2021-12-21T05:00:42","date_gmt":"2021-12-21T10:00:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/jolt.richmond.edu\/?p=9596"},"modified":"2021-11-21T10:48:58","modified_gmt":"2021-11-21T15:48:58","slug":"first-amendment-concerns-and-big-tech","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/2021\/12\/21\/first-amendment-concerns-and-big-tech\/","title":{"rendered":"First Amendment Concerns and Big Tech"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>By Ben L. Culpepper<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>After January 6, 2020, big tech took unprecedented measures to prevent the spread of misinformation on their platforms.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a> These measures included banning then-president Trump from using their websites, along with Amazon entirely dispensing of Parlor, a right-wing social media alternative to Twitter.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a> However, the role of big tech companies such as Twitter and the policing of information raises new legal questions.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a> Those being censored or flagged as spreading misinformation argue their first amendment right to free speech is being breached.<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a> On the other hand, advocates of monitoring what information can be posted to Twitter argue Twitter is not doing enough to censor misinformation.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> And, behind the scenes of it all, the federal government looms in the background pressuring big tech to cut out misinformation or face federal legislation punishing big tech.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The journey to the censorship levels of January 6, 2020, started from a very different place. In 2011, relatively early in Twitter&#8217;s existence, a reporter named Anita Sarkeesian was the subject of terrible threats on the company&#8217;s platform.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a> These threats included specific threats of rape, physical violence, and outright racism in general.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a> The online trolls even made a video game depicting Sarkeesian and giving players the option to punch her in the face.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a> According to Sarkeesian, when she reported the threats to Twitter, all Twitter mustered was &#8220;The account [reported] is not currently in violation of the Twitter Rules.&#8221;<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a> Only when Sarkeesian publicly tweeted Twitter&#8217;s nonchalant response did Twitter step in and take action.<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Today, Twitter has three specific types of misinformation labels that the company attaches to tweets that it deems are &#8220;false and misleading.&#8221;<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a> Twitter has rapidly increased its speech monitoring policies in the wake of public and federal criticism, almost instantly flagging potentially false or misleading information on its platform.<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a> This is a drastic change from where the company began in 2011 during Sarkeesian&#8217;s story.<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a> Nadine Strossen, professor of law at New York Law School, argues that the first amendment of our Constitution only protects against free speech violations that come from the government.<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a> Accordingly, Strossen asserts that there is no first amendment violation in Twitter monitoring free speech.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a> Thus, Twitter, as a private sector entity, has no obligation to protect any freedom of speech.<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a> In fact, quite the opposite, she argues. Twitter can freely remove those who violate its terms of use whenever Twitter pleases.<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, those being censored and advocates of total free speech on social media platforms argue that Twitter engages in selective enforcement, suggesting political motives.<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a> Free speech proponents assert that big tech companies have a Constitutional obligation to allow for the free flow of information on their platforms.<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a> Otherwise, Congress, through regulatory threats and statutory inducements, is merely using big tech to accomplish what it itself is unable to do: cut out speech it deems false or misleading.<a href=\"#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\">[21]<\/a> To support this claim, free speech advocates point to threats Democratic lawmakers in Congress have issued at Twitter.<a href=\"#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\">[22]<\/a> Furthermore, Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act allows tech companies to censor what may otherwise be Constitutionally protected speech without facing legal consequences.<a href=\"#_ftn23\" name=\"_ftnref23\">[23]<\/a> Free speech advocates assert that Section 230, paired with Democratic threats, amounts to state action via private entities which infringes on the rights guaranteed in our Constitution.<a href=\"#_ftn24\" name=\"_ftnref24\">[24]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>As Twitter and other big tech companies continue to ramp up their speech monitoring policies, the big question looming in the background grows in size and shape: is big tech acting as a medium for state action, or is it merely trying to enforce policies against false and misleading information? This is a fine line big tech has been treading carefully, and if Congress decides big tech isn&#8217;t doing enough, federal statutory regulations are just around the corner.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> Jessica Guynn, <em>President Trump Permanently Banned from Twitter over Risk He Could Incite Violence<\/em>, USA Today (Jan. 8, 2021), https:\/\/www.usatoday.com\/story\/tech\/2021\/01\/08\/twitter-permanently-bans-president-trump\/6603578002\/.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> Glenn Greenwald, <em>Congress Escalates Pressure on Tech Giants to Censor More, Threatening First Amendment<\/em> (Feb. 20, 2021), https:\/\/greenwald.substack.com\/p\/congress-escalates-pressure-on-tech.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> Vivek Ramaswamy &amp; Jed Rubenfield, <em>Save the Constitution from Big Tech<\/em>, Wall St. J. (Jan. 11, 2021), https:\/\/www.wsj.com\/articles\/save-the-constitution-from-big-tech-11610387105.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> Greenwald, <em>supra<\/em> note 2.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> <em>Id. <\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> Emily Greenhouse, <em>Twitter&#8217;s Free-Speech Problem<\/em>, Science and Tech (Aug. 1, 2013), https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/tech\/annals-of-technology\/twitters-free-speech-problem.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a> Barbara Ortutay, <em>Twitter Rolls Out Redesigned Misinformation Warning Labels<\/em>, ABC News (Nov. 16, 2021), https:\/\/abcnews.go.com\/Technology\/wireStory\/twitter-rolls-redesigned-misinformation-warning-labels-81212172.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em>; <em>see <\/em>Greenwald, <em>supra<\/em> note 2.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a> <em>See<\/em> Greenhouse, <em>supra<\/em> note 7.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\">[15]<\/a> Nadine Strossen, <em>Does the First Amendment Apply to Social Media Companies?<\/em>, Talks on Law (Mar. 21, 2020), https:\/\/www.talksonlaw.com\/briefs\/does-the-first-amendment-require-social-media-platforms-to-grant-access-to-all-users.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\">[16]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\">[17]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\">[18]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\">[19]<\/a> Ramaswamy, <em>supra<\/em> note 4.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\">[20]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref21\" name=\"_ftn21\">[21]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref22\" name=\"_ftn22\">[22]<\/a> <em>Id. <\/em>(quoting Louisiana Representative Cedric Richmond &#8220;We&#8217;re going to make it swift, we&#8217;re going to make it strong, and we&#8217;re going to hold them very accountable,&#8221; and New York Representative Jerry Nadler &#8220;Let&#8217;s see what happens by just pressuring them.&#8221;).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref23\" name=\"_ftn23\">[23]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref24\" name=\"_ftn24\">[24]<\/a> <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-9597\" src=\"https:\/\/jolt.richmond.edu\/files\/2021\/11\/photo-1611605698335-8b1569810432-300x225.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Image Source: https:\/\/unsplash.com\/s\/photos\/twitter<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Ben L. Culpepper &nbsp; After January 6, 2020, big tech took unprecedented measures to prevent the spread of misinformation on their platforms.[1] These measures included banning then-president Trump from using their websites, along with Amazon entirely dispensing of Parlor, a right-wing social media alternative to Twitter.[2] However, the role of big tech companies such [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5136,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[51366],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9596","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-blog-post"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/paMHOZ-2uM","jetpack-related-posts":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9596","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5136"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9596"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9596\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9598,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9596\/revisions\/9598"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9596"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9596"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.richmond.edu\/jolt\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9596"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}