Congress, The Presidency, and War Power

The textbook details the constant push and pull dynamic between presidents and Congress. The push and pull dynamic is most important in relation to foreign policy and the declaration of war. The president may be commander in chief of the armed forces, but only Congress can make the declaration of war. Congress may declare war, but the president is commander in chief to allow for decisive action in wartime. The founders gave Congress this important responsibility to prevent the executive branch from starting ill advised wars without congressional input or dissent. The history of the United States in war is marked by the push and pull between the president and Congress. The wide latitude given to the Johnson Administration in the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was replaced by the War Powers Act in response to the events in Vietnam. This dynamic holds true today in the post 9/11 era and the Global War on Terror. In my opinion, Congress has failed asserts its authority over war declarations and the admirable goal of the War on Terror caused Congress to give the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations too much authority without sufficient oversight.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Congress passed The Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Terrorists. The resolution gave the President authority to use  “all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001” In the sixteen years since 9/11, AUMF has been used to justify operations in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. It was also cited by the Supreme Courts as the legal justification for the detention center in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.  The broad discretion granted to the executive branch has prevent Congress from fulfilling their constitutionally designed oversight role over the executive branch. When multiple Senators give interviews stating that, “they were unaware that the United States had troops in Niger, it is evidence that Congress has failed to assert its authority over war and the declaration thereof. President Obama ended up bombing more countries during his administration compared to President Bush. If Congress, the elected representatives of the people, fail to hold the executive branch accountable through sufficient oversight, more power will be vested in the president, causing the system of checks and balances to be thrown out of order. It concerning that a law passed sixteen years ago was interpreted in ways that writers did not expect. The AUMF has been used to justify operations in Georgia, The Philippines, and Djibouti. A resolution meant to justify operations in Afghanistan has been used for operations in Asia and Africa. Congress never imagined that the AUMF would be used for operations in Asia and that the AUMF would still be used sixteen years later without any sufficient changes.

Thankfully, recent actions have indicated Congress is starting to reassert itself in national security affairs. An amendment to repeal the AUMF recently passed the House Appropriations Committee, despite the objections of Congressional leaders. Even though the repeal effort was not sent to the floor, it sent a signal that Congress is no longer willing to give the executive branch a blank check. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has held hearings on the matter as well. These are encouraging signs that Congress is more willing to exact oversight on the president’s power through the AUMF. Both actions have been bipartisan, which indicates that both parties view debating the impact of the AUMF is a meaningful use of their time. If the War on Terror is going to continue for the near future, Congress should hold the executive branch accountable for their actions. With sufficient congressional oversight, the president will discover that little to no institutional constraints exist to limit presidential power.

 

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